The state senate is the key to Progressive success in New York
Also from NDM:
The 2006 elections will be another decisive step in ridding our country and our state of the scourge of republicanism. From now until Election Day, we'll be sending our activists targeted information to put the various races in context. This week, we'll focus on the basic dynamics of electoral power in New York State.
The government of the state of New York can charitably be described as ossified and undemocratic. Legislative power is wielded by three men - the governor and the majority leaders of the Assembly and Senate, respectively. Two of these three men are republicans, which is an untenable situation in a state where we outnumber the other side by 3:2.
NDM is not too concerned about the governor's race next year; Pataki fatigue is widespread and infectious to other GOP candidates, the voters are ready for change in Albany, and Democrats are in a fighting mood. Regardless of who the nominee of the other party is, or for that matter who our own nominee is, we're very confident about this race. There's also no reason to be concerned about Democratic prospects in holding a solid majority in the Assembly or winning the AG race.
That makes the state Senate with its brittle republican majority a very inviting target for Progressive activists. Presently, the Senate is where Progressive legislation goes to die; the 34-27 republican majority is, in fact, the largest legislative hurdle facing the new Democratic governor we expect to elect in 2006. If we want to have an effective progressive government, we need to conquer this last bastion of GOP influence.
The good news is that the Senate is, despite some very creatively drawn districts, ripe for a takeover. New York has been getting steadily more Democratic for a long time, as evidenced by the fact that we toppled three Senators last year and came within 18 votes of taking out a fourth. The 2005 election results, with Democratic sweeps across the state, provide further evidence of this trend.
Beyond demographics, there are other considerations. Simply put, the incumbent Senators have usually been in office too long; they are relics of an earlier era, and it shows. Tellingly, Senate majority leader Bruno is not allowing any members of his caucus to retire. The essential weakness of their Senate majority is also the driving force behind the current Bruno-Pataki rift over the gubernatorial candidate.
It will be important for Democrats to win the governorship next year, no doubt. But to have a truly effective Progressive governor, we also need to have a Democratic state Senate. The Senate will be either a roadblock or a superhighway for Progressive change.
2006 Elections | Government | New York | Democratic Party
There's far more than just Spano
We estimate that up to seven Rs are vulnerable, most in LI, the city and Westchester.
It doesn't matter that Spano is a "progressive", which assessment I wouldn't even agree with. He only sponsored the bill you're talking about - he was originally opposed - after NDM, DFNYC and a few other groups started leafleting in his district. He changed his mind the next day
.
The problem with all so-called moderate Rs is that majorities matter. Moderate Rs are the only thing standing between Tom DeLay, Bill Frist, Joe Bruno and the political abyss; if you want to get rid of the real troglodytes, you can't distinguish between moderates and hardcore rightwingers. They all vote the same way, anyway.















Which Senate Districts Are Good Targets?
Breaking the GOP domination state senate could be a useful step. A district that might be vulnerable is the Yonkers seat occupied by Nick Spano to which he was reeelcted by the 18 votes you mentioned. Those 18 votes and many others were supplied through Spano's endorsement by the Working Families Party; which endorsement -- it has been said -- was part of the deal for the increase in the minimum wage in NYS.
Can we expect the Working Families Party to continue to support the GOP in the 2006 elelction cycle? In what districts, othan than Spano's can be expect a good chance of defeating incumbent GOP state senators? Should it matter that Spano, as an example, has been a fairly progressive senator (he was the prime senate sponsor, for examplem, of the Emgergency Contraceptive Bill)?